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Lemnos and Samothrace ; b the Dodecanese islands in the southeast Aegean; and c the remaining northeast Aegean islands Lesbos , Chios , Samos , and Ikaria.
These islands were placed under a demilitarization statute by the Treaty of Lausanne in , to counterbalance the simultaneous demilitarization of the Turkish straits area the Dardanelles and Bosphorus , Imbros and Tenedos.
The demilitarization on the Turkish side was later abolished through the Montreux Convention Regarding the Regime of the Turkish Straits in Greece holds that, by superseding the relevant sections of the earlier treaty, the convention simultaneously lifted also the Greek obligations with respect to these islands.
Against this, Turkey argues that the Montreux treaty did not mention the islands and has not changed their status. These islands were placed under a demilitarization statute after the Second World War by the Treaty of peace with Italy , when Italy ceded them to Greece.
Italy had previously not been under any obligation towards Turkey in this respect. Turkey, in turn, was not a party to the treaty, having been neutral during WWII.
Greece therefore holds that the obligations it incurred towards Italy and the other parties in are res inter alios acta for Turkey in the sense of Article 34 of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties , which states that a treaty does not create obligations or rights for a third country , and that Turkey thus cannot base any claims on them.
The remaining islands Lesbos , Chios , Samos , and Ikaria were placed under a partial demilitarization statute by the Treaty of Lausanne in It prohibited the establishment of naval bases and fortifications, but allowed Greece to maintain a limited military contingent recruited from the local population, as well as police forces.
With respect to these islands, Greece has not claimed that the treaty obligations have been formally superseded. However, in recent years it has argued that it is entitled to discount them, invoking Article 51 of the Charter of the United Nations.
It argues that after the Turkish occupation of northern Cyprus and the Turkish threat of war over the 12 miles issue, re-armament is an act of legitimate self-defence.
The media of the two countries took up the issue and gave it a nationalistic turn, before the two governments even had the time to come to a full technical understanding of the true legal and geographical situation.
Both governments finally adopted an intransigent stance, publicly asserting their own claims of sovereignty over the islets. The result was military escalation, which was perceived abroad as quite out of proportion with the size and significance of the rocks in question.
The two countries were at the brink of war for a few days, until the crisis was defused with the help of foreign mediation. During the crisis and in the months following it, both governments elaborated legal arguments to support their claims to sovereignty.
The arguments exchanged concerned the interpretation of the Treaty of Lausanne of , which forms the principal basis for the legal status of territories in most of the region, as well as certain later diplomatic dealings between Turkey, Greece and Italy.
In the wake of the Imia crisis, the Turkish government widened its argumentation to include not only Imia but also a possibly large number of other islands and small formations across the Aegean.
Since then, Turkish authorities have spoken of "grey zones" of undetermined sovereignty. According to the Turkish argument, these islets, while not explicitly retained under Turkish sovereignty in , were also not explicitly ceded to any other country, and their sovereignty has therefore remained objectively undecided.
The Turkish government has avoided stating exactly which islets it wishes to include in this category.
On various occasions, Turkish government sources have indicated that islands such as Pserimos , Agathonisi , Fournoi and Gavdos  situated south of Crete might be included.
Furthermore, the islands are covered by previous treaties such as the Treaty of Lausanne, which defines Turkish sovereignty as limited to within 3 miles of the Anatolian mainland in the majority of cases.
While Turkey has not attempted to challenge Greek sovereignty on the ground, its claims about "grey area" islands add to the number of minor military incidents, already numerous due to the mile airspace and the FIR issues.
Greek authorities routinely report that the Turkish Air Force ignores their national airspace. According to Greek press reports, the number of airspace violations rose sharply in , as did the number of unauthorized Turkish military flights directly over Greek islands themselves.
During the late s, tensions rose again as Turkish fighter aircraft increased the number of direct armed overflights above inhabited Greek islands.
While most overflights continue to occur above small islands that Turkey considers "grey areas", such as Agathonisi or Oinousses, some incidents have also repeatedly been reported involving major and undisputed islands such as Rhodes , Lesbos , Chios or Leros.
In , Turkish fighter aircraft also begun overflights above the Greek mainland , on Evros. A regional Foreign Minister conference held on 11 May with the participation of Cyprus, Egypt, France, Greece and the United Arab Emirates, concluded with a joint declaration condemning Turkey for its practice of conducting armed overflights above the inhabited Greek islands.
In September , a Turkish military radar issued a warning to a Latvian helicopter patrolling in the eastern Aegean —part of the EU's Frontex programme to combat illegal immigration—to leave the area.
The Turkish General Staff reported that the Latvian Frontex aircraft had violated Turkish airspace west of Didim.
Another incident took place in October in the aerial area above the eastern Aegean sea, off the island of Lesbos. The decades since the s have seen a repeated heightening and abating of political and military tensions over the Aegean.
Thus, the crisis of was followed by a series of negotiations and agreements in Davos and Brussels in The period since about has been marked by a steady improvement of bilateral relations.
For years, the Aegean dispute has been a matter not only about conflicting claims of substance. Rather, proposed strategies of how to resolve the substantial differences have themselves constituted a matter of heated dispute.
Whereas Turkey has traditionally preferred to regard the whole set of topics as a political issue, requiring bilateral political negotiation,  Greece views them as separate and purely legal issues,  requiring only the application of existing principles of international law.
Turkey has advocated direct negotiation, with a view to establishing what it would regard as an equitable compromise.
Greece refuses to accept any process that would put it under pressure to engage in a give-and-take over what it perceives as inalienable and unnegotiable sovereign rights.
Up to the late s, the only avenue of conflict resolution that Greece deemed acceptable was to submit the issues separately to the International Court of Justice in The Hague.
The resulting stalemate between both sides over process was partially changed after , when the European summit of Helsinki opened up a path towards Turkey's accession to the EU.
In the summit agreement, Turkey accepted an obligation to solve its bilateral disputes with Greece before actual accession talks would start.
This was perceived as giving Greece a new tactical advantage over Turkey in determining which paths of conflict resolution to choose. During the following years, both countries held regular bilateral talks on the level of technical specialists, trying to determine possible future procedures.
According to press reports,  both sides seemed close to an agreement about how to submit the dispute to the court at The Hague, a step which would have fulfilled many of the old demands of Greece.
Athens saw them as separate. However,  Greek policy remained at the forefront in advocating closer links between Ankara and the EU.
This resulted in the European Union finally opening accession talks with Turkey without its previous demands having been fulfilled.
According to some commentators, the fall of energy prices, combined with the discovery of gas within the Turkish EEZ in the Black Sea means there is enough energy in Turkey that further exploration for gas is unnecessary.
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Main article: Blue Homeland. Main article: Libya—Turkey maritime deal. See also: East Mediterranean crisis.
In: K. Berlin: Duncker und Humblot. The Law and Policy of Air Space and Outer Space. In , a Greek newspaper published claims that the Turkish plane had unintentionally been shot down by the Greek one.
The shootdown was confirmed by the Turkish government but denied by the Greek side . Retrieved 30 November David Lepeska. The National News.
Yavuz Baydar. Ahval News. Retrieved 26 November Aykan Erdemir. Balkan Insight. David Romano. Arab News. Washington Post. Simon Schofield.
Jerusalem Post. Le Figaro. Retrieved 26 October Andrew Wilks. Das befeuert den Zypernkonflikt". Neue Zürcher Zeitung.
Retrieved 13 November Retrieved 5 August Last year, Wess Mitchell, US assistant secretary of state for European and Eurasian affairs, sent a message to Ankara over the drilling activities for hydrocarbons underway in Cyprus's exclusive economic zone.
He said that "Turkey's view is a minority of one versus the rest of the world. Retrieved 16 December Turkey's view "is a minority of one versus the rest of the world," he said.
New Europe. Retrieved 2 December Turkey defines its 'EEZ' to be coextensive with its continental shelf, based the relative lengths of adjacent coastlines, which completely disadvantages islands.
Retrieved 11 July Daily Sabah. Hami Aksoy, in Response to a Question Regarding the Statements Made by Greece and Egypt on the Agreement Signed With Libya on the Maritime Jurisdiction Areas".
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